Securing Bharat's Bhūbhāg demands a bold strategic reset

From Pakistan’s fault lines to Nepal’s turmoil, from the Indian Ocean to Tibet, Bharat faces unprecedented external challenges. The age of soft diplomacy alone is over. To secure its future, Bharat must forge bold new doctrines, deepen influence, and build a disciplined deep state to achieve its Vishwik Bharat vision

The recent turmoil in Nepal is reminiscent of Bangladesh, where external forces orchestrated regime change under the guise of student and youth unrest against the ruling party. From Afghanistan to Myanmar, and from Sri Lanka to Nepal, the entire region has been engulfed in flames.

This explosive geopolitical development in Bharat's backyard has once again raised critical questions. How should Bharat secure its immediate neighbourhood from external interference, especially when deep states and their agents are clearly at work across the subcontinent?

New Delhi's influence in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), which spans from Indonesia in the east to Somalia in the West, is continually challenged by both China and the United States. Adding to the uncertainty is Donald Trump's unpredictable diplomacy, tariff wars, and frequent targeting of New Delhi.

It is time for New Delhi to undertake a hard reset of its geopolitical approach, moving some of its covert strategies into overt action, to secure the ancient Bharat Bhūbhāg, which historically extended from Afghanistan in the West to Myanmar in the east and the Maldives to Tibet. In today's context, simply securing our physical borders will not suffice. New Delhi must actively extend its influence from Tibet to Sri Lanka, from Myanmar to Afghanistan, if it seeks lasting security & peace—and this calls for bold new doctrines and a reinvigoration of old ones.

Fixing the West: Disintegration of Pakistan

The disintegration of Pakistan must be a top priority in the coming decade. A fragmented Pakistan, split into 3–4 entities with an independent Balochistan and the return of PoK and Gilgit-Baltistan to Bharat, will not only reduce the threat posed by the Pakistani military but also open land access to Afghanistan and Central Asia. A smaller, marginalised Pakistan is far less dangerous than the current one.

To achieve this, Bharat should be open to engaging with Pakistan's political class, landlords, and people. If we can work with the Taliban, why not with Pakistan's political elites and communities? The ultimate goal should be to render Pakistan landlocked and dependent on Bharat for survival.

Additionally, Bharat must deepen its outreach in Afghanistan, the North-West Frontier Province, and Balochistan — not just through security partnerships, but also by reviving ancient cultural ties, trade routes, and people-to-people linkages.

Aligning the North: Tibet, Nepal, and Bhutan

Tibet remains central to Bharat's security. A timeline must be set for its eventual liberation, either as an independent state or as a spiritual extension of Bharat. Meanwhile, Nepal and Bhutan need to be fully aligned with Bharat's strategic interests. Just as Sikkim was integrated, Kathmandu and Thimphu must have no scope for foreign interference.

Securing the East: Bangladesh and Myanmar

Bharat's eastern flank is equally vulnerable. In Bangladesh, the constant anti-Bharat undercurrent must be addressed by New Delhi. It must prepare for strategic contingencies — including exploring a north–south division that ensures Bharat retains land access near the Chicken's Neck corridor. In Myanmar, Bharat should actively support friendly governments and expand its influence to counter China's & US's growing footprint.

Bridging the South: Indian Ocean neighbours

In the south, with Sri Lanka, the Maldives, and other Indian Ocean nations, Bharat must build deep, long-term geopolitical partnerships. These bridges of influence, whether military, economic, cultural, or political, will ensure security in a region where external powers are aggressively seeking footholds.

Updating old doctrines

Traditional tools, such as student scholarships, cultural exchanges, and people-to-people initiatives, must be supplemented with sharper instruments by New Delhi. While soft power remains essential, it cannot be the only pillar of Bharat's regional policy.

The Chinese model offers lessons: Beijing invests heavily in infrastructure, buys influence through largeprojects, and places allies in key positions of power. Bharat must adopt a version suited to its ethos — one that invests in human capital, small businesses, and community leaders in neighbouring countries, while simultaneously funding strategic infrastructure that ties these nations closer to us.

New Delhi must also be pragmatic about costs. Securing our interests comes at a price, and that price is increasingly denominated in dollars. Bharat must stop being hesitant about funding local leaders, grassroots influencers, and even political formations that align with our strategic vision.

Just as major powers cultivate friends abroad, Bharat too should identify emerging voices — from village leaders to national politicians — and nurture them with resources, platforms, and goodwill. The age of passive diplomacy is over; in the new neighbourhood, Bharat must put its money where its interests are.

Building Our Own Deep State

Finally, Bharat must develop its own deep state — one dedicated to long-term nation-building. Every great power has such a structure: an ecosystem of intelligence agencies, think tanks, media, academia, and covert assets working in concert to secure the nation's interests. Bharat's institutions often work in silos, missing the larger strategic picture. That must change.

A professional, resilient, and proactive deep state could shape narratives, influence political outcomes in the region, and counter hostile propaganda. Such a structure must be insulated from corporate capture and elite families seeking to bend it to private interests.

Its sole loyalty should be to the nation. A disciplined, homegrown deep state, accountable to Parliament yet with operational autonomy, could become the most decisive tool in realising the vision of "Vishwik Bharat."

For such a deep state to emerge will require a permanent cadre of specialists in culture, language, technology, and psychological operations — people trained not just in espionage, but in building long-term influence. Unlike the ad-hoc, election-driven approaches of the past, this deep state must operate with continuity across governments, guided by national rather than partisan goals.

The question remains: does the Modi government have the gumption to play such a high-stakes game in Bharat’sbackyard? The time for half-measures is over. The subcontinent is in flux, and only decisive, imaginative, and bold moves will secure Bharat's rightful place as a global superpower.

(The author is Founder of My Startup TV)