Nitish Kumar: Story of unique political decline

Had he switched sides to uphold his principles, no one would have questioned it. But he always crossed over to the opposite camp without any ideological reason. He deserted the BJP-led alliance after it accepted Narendra Modi, then Gujarat's chief minister, as its prime ministerial candidate. He declared that he would not sit back until he ensured that India became RSS-free

Many would take Nitish Kumar's swearing-in as an epoch-making event, for he might have broken many records, including the years he has spent as chief minister and the number of times he has taken the oath. But the perception is hardly impressive. The Bihar Chief Minister needs to be analysed more objectively. It is not a good idea to judge him solely for his ability to stay in power. History gives you numerous examples of inept people who have managed to stay.

A dispassionate look at his career will only prompt us to declare that he has exceeded the time limit that any political ethics of a healthy democracy would have imposed on incumbents like him. His switching sides has already earned him a nickname, Palturam (man who can switch sides at any moment), which any politician would never be proud to accept.

Had he switched sides to uphold his principles, no one would have questioned it. But he always crossed over to the opposite camp without any ideological reason. He deserted the BJP-led alliance after it accepted Narendra Modi, then Gujarat's chief minister, as its prime ministerial candidate. He declared that he would not sit back until he ensured that India became RSS-free. He took a few months to rejoin the saffron camp. He blamed his ally, the RJD, for being intolerably interfering.

Again, he was instrumental in forming the anti-Modi alliance, INDIA. He deserted it soon after he was denied the opportunity of becoming its coordinator. His last switchover was shrouded in mystery and lacked any firm ground. People speculate on some other reasons, including ED's actions against politicians and administrators close to him. It added to his image of an unreliable politician. All those who knew him despised opportunism. How does a politician who has a background in ideological politics display such opportunism?

He only proved that he lacks any ideological conviction. It also shows that he cares little for public opinion. It must be surprising to all his followers and well-wishers that he remains associated with the party that espouses the ideology of Hindutva for decades, and then, one fine morning, vows to fight against it. While separating, he accused the BJP of conspiring to break his party, the JDU, and after rejoining the saffron party, he repeatedly assured it that he would never leave it.

His manoeuvrings have a pattern and reveal the underlying theme of his politics, that there is no need to be firm on ideology. When he opposed Narendra Modi, he took care not to be seen as opposed to the entire BJP. He would praise Atal Bihari Vajpayee and LK Advani to hint that he could be comfortable working with anyone in the saffron party except Modi. The stand was inspired by his refusal to take a clear stance on the BJP's virulent communalism.

His party, the JDU, had always maintained that it did not endorse the BJP's communal agenda. The party took a different stand on the Ram Temple at Ayodhya, Article 370, and Triple Talaq. The BJP has successfully implemented all three communal agendas, and Nitish Kumar only helped the BJP continue implementing its agenda. The Waqf Bill is the latest example. His party hinted it might take a different view, but ultimately supported the Bill.

The man who, once, was not ready to accept him is now seen greeting him like a junior partner. People have seen him greet Modi with folded hands and bend before him like a follower.

History would judge Nitish Kumar and his politics not for sheer opportunism, but for the significant harm he has done to the people of Bihar. His politics not only perpetuated the state's economic and social backwardness, but also created the impression that it was only a matter of time before he would rescue the state from poverty and other problems. With the help of a few academicians, he propagated that the state was growing at a considerable pace. The poverty among the intellectual class is so high that it goes unchallenged.

At least 10 per cent of the population migrates to other parts of the country to support their families back home, and remittances from migrant labourers contribute significantly to the rural economy. The infrastructure for health and education is too poor to raise any hope of recovery.

Yet the chief minister has been claiming that improvement must be a matter of disgust for all those who believe in the well-being of the people of Bihar. The propaganda about developing women is also misleading. The state is doing very poorly on improving the health of women, and the state has a high Infant Mortality Rate and a Maternal Mortality Rate in comparison to developed states.

The state has also failed to achieve any desired progress in women's education. There is a high gender gap in literacy. The state also lags in secondary and higher education enrollment. There is no reliable data on the success of the prohibition program. If anything is visible, it is the growth of black marketing of liquor and narcotics. The state is witnessing an escalation in the consumption of drugs.

However, Nitish Kumar has been maintaining an image of an able administrator with the help of a servile media. His behaviour in public shows incoherence. There is an apparent deterioration in his health. Despite it, he is sticking to the post. Should his success in retaining the post not be viewed from another angle, that a man who has been considered as a prime ministerial material is desperately trying to maintain his post? While he was young, his mentor Kishan Patnaik saw in him a bright socialist leader. Now, the man is known for his opportunism and poor behaviour. His recent poll success cannot mask his decline in political stature.

(The author is a senior journalist. He has experience of working with leading newspapers and electronic media including Deccan Herald, Sunday Guardian, Navbharat Times and Dainik Bhaskar. He writes on politics, society, environment and economy)