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Bharatiya ‘Jumla’ Party: When rhetoric replaces governance

From R15 lakh in every account, to demonetisation wiping out black money, to GST revolution boosting MSMEs, every grand Modi-era promise has followed same pattern: big words, brief excitement, no results

Bharatiya ‘Jumla’ Party: When rhetoric replaces governance

Bharatiya ‘Jumla’ Party: When rhetoric replaces governance
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8 Oct 2025 1:48 PM IST

At the heart of it lies a disturbing truth: we no longer ask questions. Teachers, once respected as the backbone of society, are now underpaid contract workers. Citizens clap at slogans but ignore substance. When the democratic culture stops demanding accountability, the ruling class thrives on empty optics

So, another jumla— or rhetoric, as the Chief Election Commissioner of India politely described it—stands exposed. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, known for his flair for slogans and dramatic declarations, has once again fallen back on his favourite election-time weapon: rhetoric over reality. This time it is about so-called ghusbaithiyas—illegal settlers—who, according to him, were being protected and nurtured by the Congress and the RJD. At rally after rally, the Prime Minister thundered that his NDA government would identify and throw out these illegal infiltrators. His lieutenant, Union Home Minister Amit Shah, echoed the same charge, turning ghusbaithiya into a political slur aimed squarely at the opposition.

Ironically, this fiery rhetoric came alongside the NDA’s push for a Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls in Bihar—supposedly to identify illegal voters using fake identities. The opposition cried foul, calling it a ploy to delete genuine voters. Predictably, BJP spokespersons rushed to defend the Election Commission, portraying it as a noble effort to clean up the rolls. When the process ended with over 6.8 million names removed, the Election Commission did not disclose how many illegal foreigners were identified.

Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar held two press conferences, one in Patna and another in New Delhi, and both times dodged questions about illegal voters, dismissing them as political rhetoric. Yet, during the revision process, anonymous officials conveniently planted stories in the media claiming there were lakhs of foreigners on Bihar’s voter list—Nepalis, Bangladeshis, even Rohingyas from Myanmar. The Godi media dutifully amplified these leaks.

At a rally in Purnia, Modi dramatically asked the crowd, “Do you support the parties that back the ghusbaithiyas?” The chorus of “No, no!” was the reaction he sought. But when the dust settled and no proof of illegal migrants voting in Bihar surfaced, the silence was deafening. Another election jumla quietly faded.

While the ghusbaithiya rhetoric was still echoing, the Nitish Kumar government—in alliance with the same NDA—swiftly transferred Rs10,000 each to 21 lakh women under the Mukhyamantri Mahila Rozgar Yojana, conveniently just before the election schedule was announced. Even Akashvani, the official broadcaster, noted this timing with a hint of irony. This was the third phase of the scheme, launched by none other than Modi himself via video conference. Over 1.1 crore women are said to be beneficiaries. Another scheme offering Rs1,000 each to job-seeking youth soon followed.

Now, juxtapose this with Modi’s long-standing criticism of “revdis”—freebies that he has often branded as economic poison. The contradiction couldn’t be clearer. From Ladli Behan in Madhya Pradesh to Laadki Bahin in Maharashtra, the BJP’s war on freebies turns into warm embrace when elections approach. Even Maharashtra Cabinet Minister Chagan Bhujbal, part of the NDA, admitted that the women’s welfare scheme was draining funds from essential development projects. Only weeks earlier, Modi had proudly announced a Rs2 lakh crore project for Bihar. Big promises are not the issue; lack of follow-through is.

Announcing schemes is easy. Implementing them with accountability is the real test. Sample this: a school building without a roof. Imagine children studying under a thatched shade propped up by bamboo sticks, sitting cross-legged on durries. In many villages in Bihar, this isn’t imagination—it’s everyday reality. Primary education, the foundation of every society, remains Bihar’s most neglected sector.

When Modi unveiled Rs62,000 crore worth of youth-focused initiatives recently, a quick online search revealed a grim truth: Bihar’s school education system is collapsing under its own weight. According to India Forum, the state’s education crisis is rooted in paucity of resources and ineffective policies. In a country where teachers are among the least valued government employees—just above the postman and constable—Bihar’s situation is an amplified version of a national malaise.

Politically, Bihar is critical—40 Lok Sabha and 16 Rajya Sabha seats. It’s also rich in mineral resources, making it a high-stakes battleground. Predictably, the state’s politics revolves not around governance but around caste arithmetic, reservation debates, and populist handouts. The recent caste survey further exposed deep inequalities, especially in education. A detailed study titled “Bihar’s Elementary Education Crisis: A Call for Action” by Saumya Anand, an MPP student at Kautilya School of Public Policy under GITAM University, paints a sobering picture. Quoting the ASER 2022 Report, she notes that student attendance in Bihar is below 60%, compared to a national average of around 72%. Enrolment might look impressive on paper, but retention and learning outcomes are abysmal.

The reasons are many: poor infrastructure, unqualified teachers, inconsistent policies, low community engagement, and crushing poverty that forces children out of classrooms into labour. Adding insult to injury, the teacher recruitment process—meant to be decentralized—has become a cesspool of fake degrees, forged documents, and arbitrary selections. The result: unqualified teachers, demoralized communities, and a crumbling public trust. Bihar needs to strengthen local governance, prevent elite capture, and address corruption through strict accountability measures.

There is no shortage of funds. Under the Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan, Bihar received nearly Rs10,000 crore between 2023 and 2025. Another Rs2,700 crore came under PM-POSHAN, the revamped mid-day meal scheme. Yet outcomes remain dismal. As even the right-wing Swarajya magazine reported bluntly: “For only 20% school attendance, Bihar spends Rs54,000 crore a year.”

That is the real tragedy—not lack of money, but lack of honest governance. The NDA’s so-called double-engine government keeps proclaiming its commitment to modernising Bihar’s education system, but the data speaks otherwise.

From Rs15 lakh in every account, to demonetisation wiping out black money, to the GST revolution boosting MSMEs, every grand Modi-era promise has followed the same pattern: big words, brief excitement, no results. Now, Bihar’s education and welfare jumlas are merely the latest additions to the pile. The Prime Minister’s speeches, the Home Minister’s attacks, the state’s “freebie” politics—all operate in a synchronized loop designed to keep the headlines hot and the electorate emotionally charged. Meanwhile, the core issues—education, health, employment, local governance—sink deeper into neglect.

At the heart of it lies a disturbing truth: we no longer ask questions. Teachers, once respected as the backbone of society, are now underpaid contract workers. When the democratic culture stops demanding accountability, the ruling class thrives on empty optics. Bihar’s crumbling schools, absentee teachers, and corrupt recruitment systems are symptoms of a larger disease—the transformation of governance into spectacle.

India deserves better than slogans and subsidies timed for elections. Bihar’s children deserve roofs over their classrooms, not roofs over political corruption. The NDA’s Bihar model—of rhetoric at the top and rot at the bottom—should alarm every citizen who cares about the nation’s future. It is easy to throw around words like “development,” “double engine,” and “New India.” It is much harder to ensure that a child in a Bihar village has a teacher who actually shows up, a school that doesn’t leak during monsoon, and a mid-day meal that isn’t stolen by middlemen. Until that happens, the BJP will remain Bharatiya ‘Jumla’ Party—a master of words, and a stranger to work.

(The columnist is a Mumbai-based author and independent media veteran, running websites and a youtube channel known for his thought-provoking messaging)

Bihar Elections Narendra Modi Ghusbaithiya Rhetoric Education Crisis Populist Schemes 
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