Inclusive Development Must Focus On Bridging Socio-Economic Divide

Thanks to our affirmative measures such as reservation in government jobs and in admissions in public sector educational institutions, we have been able to add some critical value to the idea of unity and prosperity in diversity, the very foundation of our nation. It is, therefore, necessary to maintain the momentum of debate and discussion about wholesome inclusive development of India as we are moving towards celebrating the centenary of our Independence in 2047

It is difficult to say if today’s India is aware of what celebrated economist Raj Krishna dubbed as “Hindu rate of growth” in 1978 to describe the country’s sluggish economic advancement, which averaged around 3.5 per cent per annum from 1950s to the 1980s. As a newly independent nation, India faced numerous challenges, the most pressing of which was the widespread socio-economic deprivation affecting a vast majority of its population. Land and education, two critical components for individual progress, were largely controlled by a privileged few. Deep-rooted issues such as untouchability, poverty, and caste and religion-based discrimination by the privileged against the underprivileged posed significant obstacles to the country’s holistic development. It was our electoral democracy – government by the people, for the people, and of the people – which emerged as a beacon of hope for millions of men and women seeking dignity, equality, and opportunity in free India, for which we should be ever grateful to Bharat Ratna Dr B R Ambedkar.

Though struggle continues even today, we have traversed a long distance in our collective pursuits to realize the goal of inclusive development. Unfortunately, income and wealth disparities among our people continue to widen. The task of equitable distribution of national resources, opportunities, facilities, privileges, and responsibilities among all in proportion to their population still remains colossal. Thanks to our affirmative measures such as reservation in government jobs and in admissions in public sector educational institutions, we have been able to add some critical value to the idea of unity and prosperity in diversity, the very foundation of our nation. It is, therefore, necessary to maintain the momentum of debate and discussion about wholesome inclusive development of India as we are moving towards celebrating the centenary of our Independence in 2047. One may not be sure if we become a $30 trillion economy by then but we must not be lacking in our honest efforts in this regard.

In a policy paper of NITI Aayog (National Institution for Transforming India Aayog) brought out in May 2023, Dr Arvind Virmani, a celebrated economist, talked of ‘Bharatiya Model of Inclusive Development - Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka Vishwas, Sabka Prayas.’ According to him, “the Indian model of inclusive growth, viewed from a development economics perspective, has three pillars - market economics, empowerment, and pragmatism.” He also briefly dwelt on “market competition, oligopoly and monopoly, public and welfare economics” among other things. He also referred to “the communist-socialist, command and control approach to economy, which many educated intellectuals and academics favoured for almost half a century after independence” and stated that “individual initiative including involuntarily formed groups, are the drivers of economic growth and employment generation, not the government. Government can be the enabler and facilitator and must ensure equal opportunity for all.”

Under the sub-head ‘Antyodaya Welfarism,’ Dr Virmani writes: “Antyodaya empowerment is the Indian competitor to the European Welfare state. The Bharatiya Welfare State focuses on the lowest rungs of society, socio-economic development, and income levels, as Mahatma Gandhi said: ‘Recall the face of the poorest and weakest man you have seen and ask yourself if this step you contemplate is going to be of any use to him.’ This is something on which an overwhelming majority of the public, every community, socioeconomic group, and political party has agreed-on. The Bharatiya approach to social welfare is multi-faceted, including direct transfers to recipients and indirect subsidies through service providers, cash transfers and in-kind transfers such as free or below market price provision of goods and services such as scholarships and a broad range of basic needs.”

Unfortunately, Dr Virmani did not even briefly talk about high level of health, wealth, education and justice deprivation among the country’s major social groups such as SCs, STs, OBCs, and minorities even after so many decades of Independence, though they account for the country’s not less than 85 per cent population. They continue to struggle with chronic problems such as malnutrition, poverty and lack of quality education. They are still not in a position to assert their social identity, and hence are forced to lead a life of anonymity in many cases. A large number of poor people from among them are languishing in jails for years for committing petty offences, an issue which President Droupadi Murmu herself flagged in her valedictory address at the Constitution Day celebrations organised by the Supreme Court of India in New Delhi on November 26, 2022.

The Bharatiya development model focussed on “sustained, fast, inclusive growth where inclusive means all round development of the society and empowerment of every citizen, to develop own capabilities and competence through application of mind and effort” won’t be possible if the Central and state governments do not spend adequately on imparting quality and competitive education to children from weaker sections of society, right from schooling to higher education. At the moment, there is an abysmal level of gross enrolment ratio (GER) among them. Majority of them have degrees but not skills and vice versa. Thus, they are caught in such a vicious circle that they don’t know how to get out of that. After all, they have to feed their families as well, and whatever little bit they have in the name of savings, that is spent on making a house and children’s marriage. For education, they are solely dependent upon the facilities in the public sector, the condition of which is known to all.

It is, therefore, necessary for all stakeholders including writers, public policy experts, economists, businessmen, corporate entities and the elite among us to come forward and contribute to building an inclusive and resilient Viksit Bharat in the real sense of the term. A special request for the private sector – they need to make affirmative policy an integral part of their recruitments. Today students from deprived social groups have limited access to well-paid jobs in the private sector, not because they are not lacking in merit and other wherewithal but because of the poor transparency in the recruitment processes. If I correctly remember, India Inc had agreed in principle to give preference to the candidates from socially and education backward classes while making recruitments when former Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh led UPA government wanted to introduce quotas in the private sector. Neither quota nor preferential treatment, the white collar jobs in the private sector remain the fiefdom of a few among us. Who cares! Perhaps, none!

(The writer is a senior journalist, author and columnist. The views expressed are strictly his personal.)